Chapter 672 Gauls Panicked
Chapter 672 Gauls Panicked
Upon hearing this outrageous news, Halsey slammed his fist on the table, making the coffee cup rattle.
"Damn it, where did they get their hands on B-29s? That's impossible!"
The naval bull growled, his chest heaving violently.
Unlike bombers like the B-17 and B-25, which can be obtained through the Lend-Lease Act, the B-29 is a highly classified strategic asset of the White Eagle, with its technical details and production processes under the highest level of control.
A terrifying thought flashed through Halsey's mind in an instant.
Nuclear bombs + B-29 = true strategic nuclear deterrence.
Just a few days ago, the White Eagles dropped two atomic bombs with B-29s, demonstrating the unparalleled power of this golden combination to the world.
And now, Nanyang, the "little brother" that was considered an ally but has recently shown an increasing tendency toward independence and strong potential, has also quietly acquired B-29s.
What are they going to do?
Having acquired long-range strategic bombing capabilities, what's next?
Who do they want to bomb?
Or rather, who are they trying to intimidate?
“A rebellion?” Halsey practically spat out the word. “Send a telegram immediately. The President and the Joint Chiefs of Staff must know this immediately. It’s too dangerous.”
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On the other side of the blue planet, in Gaul, the city of flowers.
As dawn broke, a thin mist hung over the Seine, much like the lingering shadow of war over the city.
The glory of Joan of Arc and Napoleon has long since faded, leaving the people of Gaul with a devastated homeland and endless psychological trauma.
As the capital of the provisional government, Huadu's former romance and prosperity have been replaced by ruins everywhere.
Commodity ration coupons remained essential for citizens' daily lives, and the black market flourished quietly in the shadows. In addition to the morning dampness, the air was filled with an atmosphere of decay and uncertainty.
General Dai, the giant who led the Free Gallic people to final victory, now faces both opportunities and challenges as the leader of the provisional government.
Politically, the framework of the provisional government was set up, barely managing to keep the country running.
But beneath the surface, turbulent currents surge.
Various political forces, especially the rapidly expanding Gallic Red Party, are engaged in fierce and even brutal struggles over the future political system of the country.
Some advocated for a strong presidential system, while others preferred a return to the pre-war parliamentary system characterized by numerous parties and frequent changes of government.
General Dai himself firmly advocated the former, believing that only by granting the president sufficient power could the weakness and ineffectiveness of the Third Republic be avoided, and Gaul be truly revived.
However, this proposal was met with strong opposition from most members of parliament, including the Red Party and the Socialist Party, who were worried that it would be a slide toward personal dictatorship.
What was particularly challenging was that the Gallic Red Party had developed a considerable armed force and grassroots organization during its resistance against the Han occupation, and became the largest party in the first postwar Constituent Assembly elections.
General Dai demonstrated superb political skills, successfully bringing this powerful force temporarily into the framework of the national system by bringing him into the cabinet and assuming key positions such as Minister of Defense.
But this undoubtedly makes the already complex political game even more unpredictable.
In terms of socio-economic aspects, the situation is equally worrying.
Industrial production across Gaul recovered to only half of its pre-war level, the railway network was fragmented, and farmland lay fallow.
Inflation was rampant, the franc was depreciating rapidly, and protests by workers demanding better pay and living conditions were frequent.
General Dai and his government faced a severe test of survival.
The only consolation was that, thanks to its wartime contributions and the inertia of its great power status, Gaul barely managed to squeeze into the newly established UN Security Council and become one of the permanent members, thus returning to the ranks of great powers at least legally.
But at this moment, the crown seemed so heavy and glaring.
In August, General Dai faced an extremely difficult and symbolically significant decision.
Should the death sentence be approved for Marshal Pétain, the 89-year-old head of the Vichy regime and a World War I hero?
Ultimately, General Day exercised presidential privilege due to complex considerations, including Pétain's outstanding contributions during World War I and the fact that the death sentence Pétain had handed down 40 years earlier against General Day, who had called for resistance, had not actually been carried out.
He commuted Pétain's death sentence to life imprisonment.
This decision sparked huge controversy, with some praising it as a reflection of Gaul's tolerance and respect for history, while others criticized it as condoning compromise.
General Dai was worried.
Domestic and foreign affairs are a complex and multifaceted matter, like a tangled mess.
He, however, was a leader with the ambition to "reclaim the French rooster's throne in Europe," and the gap between the realities of the situation and his ideals put him under immense pressure.
However, a new and more impactful piece of bad news, like another heavy hammer blow, shattered the brief tranquility of the morning in Huadu.
The atmosphere in a slightly old meeting room at the Ministry of National Defense, with some peeling paint, had reached a freezing point.
A brief report, just obtained from the BBC and some official White Eagle sources, on the devastating impact of the super bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, was passed around the long table by trembling fingers.
The paper made a faint but grating rustling sound.
"My God... one bomb, just one bomb, can destroy a city..."
The speaker was General Alphonse Juan, a soldier who had proven his courage on the battlefields of North Africa and Italy. He had experienced the despair of the Dunkirk evacuation and witnessed the bloodshed of war, but the scene described in the report in his hand was completely beyond his comprehension.
His voice was hoarse and filled with fear: "This...this is simply the devil's weapon, a blasphemy against the authority of God."
"Hans surrendered not long ago... We are in dire need of rebuilding, and our treasury is empty..."
Economy and Finance Minister René Privin looked pale; he was in charge of rebuilding this mess and had to be extremely careful with every penny.
"If...if the White Eagles use this weapon one day to...to 'persuade' us to accept certain conditions, what will we use to resist? Our newly rebuilt army? In the face of such devastating power, any conventional force is like a paper toy."
"We must immediately seek clarification from the White Eagle and a clear nuclear umbrella."
The one who answered was George Pidur, a senior official at the Foreign Ministry. His tone was hurried, with obvious panic and a tendency to eagerly attach himself to powerful forces.
"We need to know their principles and bottom lines in using this power; it's a matter of national survival."
Clearly, rather than believing that General Dai, who sat at the head of the table, could lead Gaul out of its predicament, this faction preferred to seek refuge and guidance directly from the White Eagle.
A sense of near-desperate helplessness and deep fear permeated the conference room.
Gaul, having just been liberated from the Nazi regime, had barely begun to heal its wounds and regain its footing when it was forced to confront an ally, or rather, a potential future ruler, with godlike destructive power.
This uncertainty is more suffocating and unsettling than facing a clearly defined enemy.
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